Part II - An introduction to the Israel-Palestine conflict
NORMAN FINKELSTEIN
Updated September 2002
Expulsion Redux
The Oslo process was premised on finding a credible Palestinian leadership to cloak Israeli apartheid: a Nelson Mandela to act the part of a Chief Buthelezi. (54) Camp David signaled the defeat of this strategy: Arafat refused - or, due to popular resistance, wasn't able - to play the assigned role. Without such a legitimizing Palestinian facade, the reality of Israeli apartheid stands fully exposed and subject to the same withering criticism as its South African precursor. "If Palestinians were black, Israel would be a pariah state subject to economic sanctions led by the United States," the London Observer editorialized after the outbreak of the new intifada. "Its development and settlement of the West Bank would be seen as a system of apartheid, in which the indigenous population was allowed to live in a tiny fraction of its own country, in self-proclaimed `bantustans,' with `whites' monopolizing the supply of water and electricity. And just as the black population was allowed into South Africa's white areas in disgracefully under-resourced townships, so Israel's treatment of Israeli Arabs - flagrantly discriminating against them in housing and education - would be recognized as scandalous too." Mainstream figures across the political spectrum, from President Carter's National Security Advisor, Zbigniew Brzezinski, to South Africa's Anglican Archbishop and Nobel Laureate, Desmond Tutu, have since issued similar denunciations. "I have been very deeply distressed in my visit to the Holy Land," Tutu declared. "It reminded me so much of what happened to us blacks in South Africa. I have seen the humiliation of the Palestinians at checkpoints and roadblocks, suffering like us when young white police officers prevented us from moving about." (55)